Who is Jean-Pierre Bemba and how did he rise to power in the heart of darkness? Did Bemba order his rebel soldiers to cannibalize pygmies? Or is that another Western myth manufactured to malign an African leader and feed stereotypes of tribal savagery? What is Bemba’s relationship to the competitors of George W. Bush and the friends of Bill Clinton? How is Bemba linked to blood diamonds in
After a decade of war and millions of lost lives in
Like a modern day Pretty Boy Floyd out of
Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba was born
Jean-Pierre Bemba’s mother died when he was twelve. His father, Bemba Saolona, was a close confidante of Joseph Mobutu,
Bemba Saolona is a millionaire tycoon who was jailed by former President Laurent Desire Kabila after the U.S.-backed invasion took
At the start of the MLC rebellion (1999), Papa Bemba was concerned about his little boy. “This is a message from Papa,” the New York Times quoted Bemba Saolona, then 60, “he should really think hard about what he is doing.” 
“I’m not a kid any more,” replied baby-faced Bemba, then 39. “I can fly on my own wings.” 
Bemba Saolona is tied to the Central African Republic (CAR) and the criminal networks of CAR President Ange-Félix Patassé (1993-2003). The CAR capital
Bemba Saolona worked for decades with Ugandan elites involved in networks of criminalized and coercive taxation, racketeering and extortion that plundered eastern Zaire/Congo. One Bemba Saolona enterprise is the Enzymes & Raffineries Company (ENRA), based in
Saolona Bemba’s private airport at ENRA had one dirt runway with no lights, yet during the war it was buzzing with big and small aircraft landing and taking off with amazing frequency. From 1998 to at least 2002, the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) used the ENRA compound as a holding facility for interrogation and torture operations. MONUC-the United Nations Observers Mission in
From the age of thirty, Jean-Pierre Bemba vastly expanded his private fortune following in his father’s footsteps as personal assistant (1992-1997) of Joseph Mobutu, the dictator of Zaire (1965-1997): the Bembas father and son share responsibility for the terrorism sown by Mobutu’s Special Presidential Division (DSP) and Military Action and Intelligence Service (SARM), which ran secret torture centers in Kinshasa, massacred students, and raped and pillaged as state policy.
Bemba was a vice-president in the transitional DRC government (2003–2006), while his top military commanders, Brigadier General Malik Kijege and Major General Dieudonné Amuli Bahigwa, were made big chiefs for the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC).
Worth hundreds of millions of dollars, Jean-Pierre Bemba’s DRC enterprises have included electronics, aviation and television. Cathy Bemba, Jean-Pierre’s sister, married François Joseph Nzanga Mobutu, one of the dictator’s sons, in 1994. Like Bemba and most all the others, Nzanga Mobutu paid the $50,000 presidential candidature entry fee in the 2006 elections with funds gained by betraying the Congolese people. After the 2006 elections, Nzanga got his younger brother, Albert Philipe Giala Kassa Mobutu, and eight other individuals, “elected” to parliament (achieved by buying votes and support through sheer financial clout).
The World Bank, International Monetary Fund and European Community financed numerous parastatal entities in DRC involved, for example, in disarmament, demobilization, electioneering or “humanitarian” operations, and more than $600 million dollars of this money disappeared in the past few years. Exemplifying the alleged graft, each of the 600 Congolese parliamentarians received a new car, each purchase passing through Cathy Bemba Mobutu, allegedly bringing her $1000 per car.
MOVEMENT FOR THE LIQUIDATION OF
Jean-Pierre Bemba commanded the rebel Army for the Liberation of Congo (ALC)-the armed wing of the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC)-from 1998 to 2003. Bemba’s military “adventures” in
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni supplied Bemba’s “rebellion” with troops, equipment and training. Museveni’s Ugandan People’s Defense Forces’ (UPDF) 305th Brigade was trained by the Pentagon’s Africa Crises Response Initiative (ACRI) in western
The MLC was supplied from the
The MLC rebels allied with the rebel Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD), a movement/army first supported by
Bemba also allied with
The MLC/RCD alliance shipped products from plantations in rebel-held territory owned by the Blattner Group International: palm oil, coffee, cacao (chocolate), and rubber were shipped up the
“During the war the security was provided by Bemba” said one Blattner director. “Bemba did not want to destroy the [plantation] company, it was a question of building relationships.” 
In 2002 and 2003 Jean-Pierre Bemba sent MLC troops to the Central African Republic (CAR) to help President Patassé suppress attempted coup d’etats. General Bozize overthrew his former ally Patassé in 2003 and arrest warrants were issued for Bemba and MLC officers in 2004. Complaints filed in 2006 at the International Criminal Court (ICC) charged Bemba and the MLC with massive war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in CAR from 2001 to 2003; the ICC had taken no action at the time of this writing.
“I defy anyone at that court,” Bemba challenged, in 2003, “to say that Jean-Pierre Bemba raped a single girl in
BEMBA GAVE ORDERS FOR RAPE
There are countless documentations and testimonies establishing Jean-Pierre Bemba’s reign of terror. War crimes and crimes against humanity included persecution, murder, forced population transfer, torture, rape, sexual slavery, sexual mutilation and extermination. After October 2002, the MLC/RCD forces swept across north central
Land and plunder were attained through sheer terror. Effacer Le Tableau involved cannibalism by MLC and RCD soldiers: interviews with MLC soldiers in MLC territory in 2004 confirm that cannibalism and dismemberment occurred across
“The operation was presented to the people almost like a vaccination campaign, envisioning the looting of each home and the rape of each woman,” said a MONUC spokesman in
Effacer Le Tableau was a covert military operation commanded by Jean-Pierre Bemba and his top officers, and there are allegations that Bemba personally participated in rape and cannibalism. One insider explained, “Soldiers [here] do what their commanders do; no one would commit these kinds of atrocities if they didn’t think their commanders supported and condoned them, and they did.” 
“The very day (January 15, 2003) that human rights organizations accused Bemba of cannibalism,” reported Congolese journalist Antoine Lokongo of Congopanorama, “and the UN Security Council condemned these barbaric acts, André Flahaut, the Belgian Minister of Defense flew to Gbadolite, Bemba’s fiefdom, and shook hands with him in front of the world’s cameras.” 
Jean-Pierre Bemba is married to Lillian Teixeira, the daughter of Antonio Teixeira, a Portuguese born businessman now residing in
European, South African and Libyan interests comprise the key pillars of support behind Jean-Pierre Bemba. But behind or allied with these appear to be U.S. interests either  closely affiliated with the Democratic National Committee or  in direct economic and political competition with the Bush administration and its allies. International arms dealers John Bredenkamp, Billy Rautenbach and George Forrest-untouchables known to hold multiple passports (e.g.
LIKE FATHER LIKE SON
Bemba’s brother-in-law Anthony “Tony” Teixeira deals in blood diamonds, criminal networks and mercenary operations, but the diamonds are stamped as certifiably clean and conflict free by the Kimberley Process, the international diamond certification scheme created by intelligence operatives at
Tony Teixeira is one of three pivotal businessmen who, along with Jacques Lemaire and Victor Bout, were cited in 2000 for sanctions-busting by supporting the UNITA rebels in
Victor Bout runs an air transport company and was also cited by the UN Panel of Experts for the illegal extraction of natural resources from DRC. On November 22, 2006, the G.W. Bush government re-designated the official status of Victor Bout-who previously had a “special” designation apparently reserved for weapons suppliers, diamond dealers, drug lords and other syndicated criminals tied to the elites in the USA-and froze some of Bout’s central Africa assets.
The G.W. Bush action supported the Joseph Kabila government and its backers-at the expense of competing interests: Russian arms dealer Victor Bout’s ties to multiple combatants in DRC involved interests aligned with the Democratic National Committee that have backed guerrilla warfare in Sudan, Rwanda and Congo. The ascension of Israeli-American diamond kingpins Beny Steinmetz and Dan Gertler displaced the DeBeers and the Oppenheimers monopoly out of
Bemba and his brother-in-law Tony Teixeira also profited from Teixeira’s dealings with Central Africa Republic President Ange-Félix Patassé through Teixeira’s Central Africa Mining Company (CAMCO) and Central Africa Diamond Company (CADCO). 
The companies of Tony Buckingham and partner Tony Teixeira operate through a hornet’s nest of offshore subsidiaries and joint ventures. One Buckingham diamond, oil and gold firm is Canadian-based Energem, formerly DiamondWorks, whose director/shareholders include Mario and Tony Teixeira, Israeli-American Beny Steinmetz (owns 50%) and J.P. Morgan.  Through subsidiary Branch Energy, DiamondWorks has perpetuated war in 11 African countries.
DiamondWorks ha been financed by the
Buckingham’s Heritage Oil and Gas is involved in
Heritage Oil (Canada) and Tullow Oil (London)- operating around Lake Albert-are using the Bemba-Museveni military alliance to pressure the Kabila government in Kinshasa, partly because Kabila is looking east to China, partly because Kabila is close to Bush and the Israeli lobby, while Saudi Arabian and Omani interests (e.g. Bechtel, Heritage) are closer to Uganda.
One Heritage partner is Maurel and Prom, a leading European oil firm “with a strong presence in
The UPDF/Museveni government genocide against the Acholi people of northern
EXXON (ESSO) discovered oil in Equateur during the Mobutu reign, but-apparently-Mobutu’s insistence on domestic refining sidelined the project; the petroleum reserves in Equateur have recently been “discovered” and these reserves-in territory controlled by Bemba and the MLC-were clearly at stake in the wars of 1996-2004. On a 1997 petroleum industry map the huge
There is also a criminal Portuguese connection to the logging sector through concessions granted in areas under Bemba’s MLC control to two secretive Portuguese businessmen. Jose Albano Maia Trindade and João Manuel Maia Trindade control four companies SODIFOR, SOFORMA, FARABOLA and Compagnie Forestière et de Transformation (CFT, a subsidiary of NST Sedeada Holdings of Liechtenstein); financing reportedly comes from Switzerland. The Portuguese Trindade brothers reportedly evade all rents and taxes to the DRC government and have been ripping out the rainforest as fast as possible.
“The Portuguese brothers got eight million hectares,” said Belgian Georges Somja, owner of Lisala-based SICOBOIS, another Belgian logging company exploiting Equateur province through slavery and theft, near a SOFORMA concession. “They paid money completely under the table. It was all corruption.” 
“Who supports Bemba?” said one insider in
THE PAGE IS TURNED
Another foreign interlocutor in Congolese affairs is Spanish diplomat Javier Solana, now EU Foreign Policy and Security Chief, and the former NATO Secretary General who ordered the illegal bombing of
Like a little boy, the baby-faced Jean-Pierre Bemba received his marching orders and was sent to his room (villa).
“He wishes to examine in greater detail the solutions needed to attain the Millennium Development Goals,” said Louis Michel, the great white father from Belgium, “which he deems a priority in his vision of a modern Congo; this includes issues such as gender equality, social cohesion through dialogue between partners, decentralization, the mobilization of the Diaspora, the emergence of a participatory and dynamic civil society and the necessary reform of the security system (Justice, Army, Police). He also intends to lend his unconditional support to the country’s unity and to an external policy of good neighborly relations.”
The great white fathers had hardly finished outlining Bemba’s reformation when reports began to claim that baby-faced Bemba was meeting with President Museveni in
Jean-Pierre Bemba met with Rwandan warlord General Laurent Nkunda during his Vice-Presidency and he is now one of General Nkunda’s secret backers in the ongoing bloodletting that claims some 1000 lives a day in eastern
But the Kabila government is looking east: on
It is apparent that international capitalism-the warlords behind the warlords-does not care which black face they put on Congo to mask their predatory white enterprises. Like Patrice Lumumba, General Sani Abacha, Thomas Sankara and Laurent Kabila, those who step out of line are removed, one way or another. Chaos and deconstruction are often favored. Atrocities and genocides are selectively declared, selectively punished. Those black leaders who cooperate to further the fictions of Africa controlled by Africans are rewarded, the corruption and atrocities are ignored, and the page is turned.
For more articles by keith harmon snow, visit his website: http://allthingspass.com/
 "Al Jazeera Interviews Jean-Pierre Bemba," YouTube, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dk6xmIuwGEo.
 The facts of the double presidential assassination of April 6, 1994 are now very well established.
 See: Norimitsu Onishi, "Kinshasa Journal: Papa and a Rebel Son Ask Who’s the Betrayer?" New York Times, July 29, 1999, Section A: p. 4.
 Norimitsu Onishi, "Kinshasa Journal: Papa and a Rebel Son Ask: Who’s the Betrayer?" New York Times, July 29, 1999.
 Op cit.
 Saolona Bemba is the main shareholder in ENRA, though ENRA describes itself as a "public" company. ENRA also manufactures fine finished furniture sold to European customers, and produces a rare powdered papaya enzyme, papaine, used in European pharmaceutical, beer and food products. The RPA/F seized huge stocks of coffee and papaine in 1996 and stored them in Kigali for two years. The RPA/F forced ENRA agents in Europe to buy back the papaine because all other potential European buyers balked. Private communication, Robert Ducarme, ENRA, August 16, 2007.
 Nyamwisi was allegedly involved with DARA Forest, a pirate Ugandan-Thai logging firm, connected to the Museveni regime, which cut-and-run widely in Oreintale and North Kivu; some DARA Forest logs ended up at ENRA. Private inspection, ENRA, keith harmon snow, Beni, DRC, 2005. One partner in DARA’s war-based plunder of DRC’s timber was DARA Tropical Hardwoods, Portland, OR. DARA Forest timber was sold to international buyers and shipped to Belgium, China, Denmark, Japan, Kenya, Switzerland and the USA: see Report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of DR Congo, UN Security Council, 4/12/01. See also: http://www.edcnews.se/Reviews/DRC-UNReport010412-C.html.
 Private interview, Beni, DRC, 2004; also "DRC: North Kivu destabilized by rebel infighting," IRIN ReliefWeb, 11 September 2001.
 Research in DRC, 2004-2007, keith harmon snow; see also: Uganda in Eastern DRC: Fueling Political and Ethnic Strife, Human Rights Watch, Vol. 13, No. 2, March 2001.
 MONUC spokesman Kemal Saiki did not respond to August 2007 requests for clarifications on the MONUC relationship with Jean-Pierre Bemba.
 See e.g. Zaire: Repression As Policy, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, 1990.
 Private interview, Kinshasa, DRC, April 2007.
 Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1992-1999, Mellon Press, 1999: p. 422-423. Baramoto is in Belgium today, there are rumors that he has some relationship with General Laurent Nkunda. According to an International Crises Group report of 13 August 1998, North Kivu Into The Quagmire, Mobutu generals Baramoto, Mavhe and Nzimbi reportedly organized the RCD movement. However, the Mobutuists were apparently excluded by Kigali. Private interview, PG, December 2006.
 Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1992-1999, Mellon Press, 1999: p. 463. ACRI was apparently the work of Susan Rice, Undersecretary of State for African Affairs, in the Clinton Administration. As a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, Susan Rice is today one of the most vocal advocates for decisive military action to "Stop Genocide!" and "Save Darfur!"-again, by any means necessary. ACRI’s Uganda trainees also worked with the SPLA in South Sudan. Susan Rice reportedly has close ties with ex-National Security Council staffer Shawn McCormick who went to work for BP, one of the oil companies (formerly Amoco) with concessions interests in Somalia today; Rice is also very close with Roger Winter of USAID.
 Op cit.
 Private interview, Lisala, DRC, keith harmon snow, 2005.
 Private interviews, Kisangani, 2004-2007; see also e.g., Peter Tygesen, "Abandoned and Neglected," Dateline ACT, <http://act-intl.org/news/dt_nr_2000/dtdrc0200.html>; and Congo: Kisangani Residents Again Under Fire, Human Rights Watch, <http://hrw.org/english/docs/2002/05/24/congo4000.htm>.
 Research in DRC, 2004-2007, keith harmon snow.
 Private interview, Blattner firm director, Equateur Province, DRC, 2005.
 Erasing the Board, Minority Rights Group International, 2004, <http://www.minorityrights.org/admin/Download/pdf/MRG_ICC_TwaReport.pdf >.
 Personal interviews, Equateur Province, keith harmon snow, 2004.
 "Congo candidate calls for calm, denies cannibalism," Reuters, July 28, 2006; also "Congolese rebel denies cannibalism," BBC, January 14, 2003.
 "DR Congo Rebels Go On Trial," BBC, 18 February 2003, < http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2775569.stm>.
 "Congo cannibalism claim provides first challenge," Guardian Unlimited, March 10, 2003.
 Personal interview, Kinshasa, 2006, keith harmon snow.
 Antoine Lokongo, "Keeping Congo Bleeding: How British Mercenaries are ‘Fueling’ Africa’ First World War," Congopanorama, Spring 2005, http://www.congopanorama.info/documents/mag-mercenary.shtml .
 See: keith harmon snow and Rick Hines, "Blood Diamonds: Doublethink and Deception About Those Worthless Little Rocks of Desire," Z Magazine, June & July 2007, published in full at <www.allthingspass.com>.
 Christian Dietrich, Diamonds in the Central African Republic.
 "Hain turns up international heat on Savimbi," Angola Peace Monitor
, ACTSA (Action for Southern Africa), No. 6, Vol. VI, 23 February 2000; <http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Urgent_Action/apic-22500.html>.
 See: keith harmon snow and Rick Hines, "Blood Diamond: Doublethink and Deception over those Worthless Little Rocks of Desire," Z Magazine, June and July 2007.
 Christian Dietrich, "Blood Diamonds: Effective African-Based Monopolies," African Security Review, Vol. 10, No 3, 2001, <http://www.iss.co.za/ASR/10No3/Dietrich.html>.
 Officers: Antonio Teixeira, President & CEO; Robert G. Rainey, CFO; Brett Thompson, COO, Mining; Dimitri (Jimmy) Kanakakis, Vice President, Corporate & Legal Affairs; Bernard Poznanski, Corporate Secretary; Board Members: Brian Menell, Richard Dorfman, Bruce Holmes, Robert Rainey, Antonio Teixeira, <www.energem.com>.
 See: "Africa/Diamonds: Rough diamonds," Africa Confidential, 5 March 2004, Vol. 45, No. 5; and "Equatorial Guinea: All Theft is Property," Africa Confidential, 17 Nov. 2006, Vol. 47, No. 23: p. 12.
 Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, Mellen Press, 1999.
 See: keith harmon snow, "Northern Uganda: Hidden War, Massive Suffering: Another White People’s War for Oil," and "Tullow, Hardman and Heritage Oil Concessions Map," <http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=49>.
 Private communications from Eastern Congo, August and September 2007. See also: Apollo Mubiru, "Uganda might be forced to enter Congo," New Vision, August 16, 2007.
 See: analyses by Sam Keiri, "Heritage Oil Corporation," eResearch, April 24, 2006.
 See petroleum maps and story: keith harmon snow, "Northern Uganda: Hidden War, Massive Suffereing: Another White People’s War for Oil," <http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=49>.
 See Indian Ocean Newsletter, March 2007, and "Uganda: A glimmer of Hope," Africa Confidential, Vol. 41, Number 9, 2004.
 Personal interviews with Belgian and Congolese logging principals, DRC, 2004-2006. Where concession taxes or rents are paid the Congolese state earns about one cent ($US 0.01) per hectare. Concessions rights, granted for thirty years, have been taken from Congolese villages in exchange for compensation totaling less than $200. Logs of the precious dark wood Aformosia species sell at Congo’s Matadi port for $US 7000-10,000 each. Logging firms operating all over Congo have been ripping out timber as fast as possible. Besides the World Bank, the World Wildlife Fund and other "conservation" organizations have facilitated this thievery. See: Georgianne Nienaber and keith harmon snow, "King Kong: The Curious Activities of the International Monkey Business," Parts 1-7, <www.coanews.com> and <www.allthingspass.com>.
 Private interview, Georges Somja, SICOBOIS, Lisala, 2005. One of the Portuguese companies, SODIFOR, is apparently headed up by Evariste Boshab, a Congolese Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Kinshasa and the principal private secretary of president Joseph Kabila during the transition period; Boshab is also described as EU Commissioner Louis Michel’s "right hand man."
 Private interview, Kinshasa, April 5, 2007.
 "Tshisekedi, Kingmaker," Eye on Africa, September 28, 2006, <http://dizolele.com/?p=96>.
 See: keith harmon snow, "Behind the Scenes: Warlord’s Deadly Battle in Congo," Toward Freedom, August 9, 2007, <http://www.towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1096/1/>.
 "Louis Michel has meeting with Jean-Pierre Bemba in Faro (Portugal) and is soon to visit the Democratic
Republic of the Congo," EUROPA, Press Release, IP/07/1102, Brussels 13 July 2007.
 Private communication September 12, 2007.
 See: keith harmon snow, Behind the Scenes: Warlord’s Deadly Battle in Congo, Toward Freedom, August 9, 2007, <http://www.towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1096/1/>.